"When I give food to the poor, they call me a saint. When I ask why the poor have no food, they call me a communist".
(Dom Helder Camera -former archbishop of Olinda, Recife, Brasil) (1984)
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The political economy of development
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This academic site promotes excellence in teaching and researching economics and development, and the advancing of describing, understanding, explaining and theorizing. (Róbinson Rojas)

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Economic Structuralism Estructuralismo económico Structurelism economique
Celso Furtado's contributions to structuralism and their relevance today
By Ricardo Bielschowsky - 2006
This article examines Celso Furtado’s three main analytical contributions to structuralism: (i) the historical-structural method, which incorporates the histories of Brazil and other Latin American countries in structuralist formulations; (ii) the belief that underdevelopment in the Latin American periphery has tended to persist over long periods owing to the difficulty of overcoming underemployment and to inadequate diversification of production; and (iii) the idea that the pattern of investments in the periphery is predetermined by the composition of demand, which mirrors and tends to preserve income and wealth concentration. Events in Latin America in the past twenty-five years show that Furtado’s analysis has lost none of its relevance.


Beyond economics: interactions between politics and economic development
By Fernando Henrique Cardoso - 2004
Theories about a necessary link between authoritarianism and progress have been discredited by history. Now democracy and development are prominent (though not inseparable) values on nations' agendas. The link between the two is not a given; it is established by recognizing that democracy is justified in itself as a universal value that can be accepted by all. Democracy legitimizes public policies because it is based on deliberation and a negotiated trade-off of interests, under transparent rules. Democratic procedures can be used to cope with unexpected difficulties and strengthen the confidence of outsiders. The way to deal with the asymmetrical effects of globalization is to participate in the international economy on more advantageous terms, affirming the ability of democracy to shape a form of development that is nonexclusive, unlike that which we experienced in the past. This is no easy task, and if people are not rewarded by a higher quality of life, then not only will democracy be in jeopardy, but the economy will not prosper.

Róbinson Rojas - 1992
Notes on ECLAC's structuralism and dependency theory
The main theoretical tenet of ECLA's approach was that former colonies and non-industrialized nations were "structurally" different from industrialized countries, and, therefore, the former needed different recipes for economic modernization than the latter.
ECLA argued that colonization transformed former colonies' economies in "structures especialized in producing raw materials, cash crops and foodstuff at low prices to meet the needs of the colonizer's economies". That created economically "fractured" societies, in which a modern sector was being constrained by international trade, and a traditional- backward sector was blocking any process of economic modernization. These structures were creating a dynamic that was impoverishing former colonies instead of promoting capitalist industrialisation.
From Encyclopaedia Britannica - 1994
Social Structure and Change
The term structure has been used with reference to human societies since the 19th century. Before that time, it had been already applied to other fields, particularly construction and biology. Its biological connotations are evident in the work of several social theorists of the 19th and early 20th centuries, such as Herbert Spencer in England. He and others conceived of society as an organism, the parts of which are interdependent and thereby form a structure that is similar to the anatomy of a living body.
J.T. Rourke, 2001
International politics on the world stage(chap. 14)
Whether or not you subscribe to economic structuralist theory, it is clear that the world is generally divided into two economic spheres: a wealthy North and a much less wealthy South. There are some overlaps between the two spheres, but in general the vast majority of the people and countries of the South are much less wealthy and industrially developed than the countries of the North and their people. The South also has a history of direct and indirect colonial control by countries of the North.
L. Yapa - 2000
Penn State University
A note on neoliberalism
The best-known brand of development economics that arose in the 1950s is called the structuralist school. Unlike neoclassical economists, who assumed a smoothly working market-price system, some of the early development economists adopted a more structuralist approach to development problems where they adopted a more pessimistic view about the ability of the free market to eradicate poverty. Economists such as Gunnar Myrdal, Raul Prebisch, and Hans Singer were especially prominent in questioning the possibility of development through export of primary products.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
On peripheral capitalism:
The Latin American Periphery in the Global System of Capitalism
By Raúl Prebisch - 1981
Peripheral development is an integral part of the world system of capitalism, but the conditions in which it takes place are different from those in the centres, whence the specificity of peripheral capitalism. Technology plays a fundamental role in this: its development in the centres is accompanied by continous changes in their social structure, and this is also tru of the peripheral countries when the same technology penetrates them much later. The relations between the two correspondingly alter... While exerting considerable influence on peripheral development, the dynamics of the centres is limited in scope, on account of the centripetal nature of capitalism. Thus it fosters peripheral development only to the extent that concerns the interests of the dominant groups in the centres.
On Peripheral Capitalism and its Transformation
Comments by Octavio Rodríguez
I have already twice commented on some aspects of Raúl Prebisch's latest work: I shall now attempt a more comprehensive critique
Comments by Alberto Couriel
In his analysis, Raul Prebisch lays great emphasis on the insufficient dynamism of accumulation to absorb, in technical layers of rising productivity, the unemployed population and the manpower in the technical layers at lower levels of productivity...
Comments on Peripheral Capitalism and its Transformation
Comments by Lucio Geller
...this area of coincidence can be broken down into two propositions: firstly, that the crisis of the system in the Latin American countries is a structural crisis, a theoretical understanding of which calls for analysis of the specific forms of capital accumulation, and of the social and political conflicts linked with these; and, secondly, that the analysis of the dynamic operation of the structure in question must begin with the internal factors...
Comments by Jose Ibarra
I am in full agreement with Raúl Prebisch both as regards his criticism that the arguments of neoclassical theory were evolved "in the void, outside time and space", which constitutes a very serious limitation of their explanatory force, and with respect to the necessity of taking into account social structures and their historical evolution in economic theories...
Comments by Pedro Vuskovic
The articles by Raúl Prebisch constitute a complete and well-knit system of interpretation, designed to remedy two weaknesses existing in earlier versions: they seek to go more deeply into the "specificities" of dependent capitalism, where this is virgin ground; and they aim at explicitily introducing the political dimension of the development process, in its twofold role of conditioning factor and consequence

Dialogue on Friedman and Hayek (From the standpoint of the periphery)
By Raúl Prebisch - 1981
The swing of the ideological pendulum has now brought neoclassicism freshly to the fore, and to Milton Friedman belongs the merit of being its supreme disseminator. For some time past I had been reading his various studies, without, however, finding his arguments and propositions at all convincing, until the appearance of his book Free to Choose, written in collaboration with Mrs. Friedman. I felt drawn to read it, since it presumably constituted a complete presentation of the eminent economist's ideas. I carefully perused its pages, prepared to revise my original opinions, but I must confess that what I read still failed to convince me; rather did it strenghten my frankly critical position...

Monetarism, open-economy policies and the ideological crisis
By Raúl Prebisch - 1981
Attempts to interpret peripheral development within the framework of neoclassical theories are pointless if they do not take into account the structure of society and the phenomena which occur as technology from the centres penetrates into it...the dynamic of the system is based on social inequality whose origin lies in the structural phenomenon of the economic surplus which is appropriated by the upper strata of society, where most of the means of production are concentrated...Note: the portion of the increase in productivity which is not transferred to the labour force is the economic surplus

Los 50 años de la CEPAL:

Presentación , Oscar Altimir

Cincuenta años de la CEPAL , José A. Ocampo

El nuevo capitalismo
Celso Furtado - 1998
Asistimos, en este fin de siglo, a la adopción generalizada de la tesis de que el proceso de globalización de los mercados se va a imponer en todo el mundo, cualquiera sea la política que los países vayan a seguir. Es como si se tratase de un imperativo tecnológico, semejante al que comandó el proceso de industrialización que moldeó la sociedad moderna en los últimos dos siglos.
Sin embargo, la imbricación de los mercados y el desmoronamiento consiguiente de los actuales sistemas estatales en que encuadran las actividades económicas están generando grandes cambios estructurales que se traducen en la creciente concentración del ingreso y en formas de exclusión social que se manifiestan en todos los países. Esas consecuencias negativas hay quien llega a presentarlas como condiciones previas para una nueva forma de crecimiento economico cuyos contornos aún no están definidos.
En otras palabras, en este fin de siglo, el crecimiento económico tendría imperativamente como contrapartida el nacimiento de una nueva forma de organización social. Puede interpretarse esa simple observación como una amenaza o como un desafío, o por lo menos, como el presagio de una era de transición, y también de incertidumbre.


Evolución de las ideas de la CEPAL
Ricardo Bielschowsky, 1998
El punto de partida para entender la contribución de la CEPAL a la historia de las ideas económicas debe ser el reconocimiento de que se trata de un cuerpo analítico específico aplicable a condiciones históricas propias de la periferia latinoamericana. Tal vez sea por eso que cuando se busca el pensamiento cepalino en los principales compendios de historia de la teoría económica son escasas las referencias, circunscritas cuando mucho a la tesis del deterioro de los términos del intercambio y a la tesis estructuralista de la inflación. Esa ausencia lleva a veces a desconocer la fuerza explicativa de ese cuerpo analítico, que deriva de un fértil cruce entre un método esencialmente histórico e inductivo, por un lado, y una referencia abstractoteórica propia -la teoría estructuralista del subdesarrollo periférico latinoamericano-, por el otro.


La CEPAL y la teoría de la industrialización
Valpy, FitzGerald
La industrialización mediante sustitución de importaciones ha tenido un papel central en el desarrollo económico de América Latina en este siglo. No obstante, se ha impugnado categóricamente la eficiencia de este proceso como base para el crecimiento económico sustentable, la elevación de los niveles de vida y la modernización social. La crítica de la industrialización sustitutivo no es sólo un problema de interpretación de un período particular de la historia económica, sino también un prisma para evaluar la estrategia económica actual de la región que se basa en la creciente integración a los mercados mundiales y una menor intervención del Estado en la industria, estrategia definida a menudo explícitamente por contraposición a la estrategia anterior de industrialización sustitutivo

Aprendizaje tecnológico ayer y hoy , Jorge Katz

Shocks externos en economías vulnerables: una reconsideración de Prebisch , Nancy Birdsall y Carlos Lozada

Estructura, coordinación intertemporal y fluctuaciones macroeconómicas , Daniel Heymann

La reconstrucción del Estado en América Latina, Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira

Globalización, moneda y finanzas , David Ibarra

La globalización y la gobernabilidad de los países en desarrollo , Roberto Bouzas y, Ricardo Ffrench-Davis

La globalización del capital financiero , David Felix

América Latina y la globalización , Aldo Ferrer

Un nuevo centro y una nueva periferia , Richard Mallon

La visión centro-periferia hoy , Armando Di Filippo

Globalización y democracia en América Latina , Alberto Couriel

Los desafíos de la globalización para Centroamérica , Gert Rosenthal

La CEPAL y la integración económica de América Latina , Maria da Conceiqo Tavares y Gerson Gomes

Desarrollo e integración regional: ¿otra oportunidad para una promesa incumplida? , Osvaldo Sunkel

El área de libre comercio de las Américas , Víctor Bulmer-Thomas

Incidentes de integración en Centromérica y Panamá, 1952-1958 , Víctor L. Urquidi

La CEPAL y el sistema interamericano , Vivianne Ventura-Dias

Medina Echavarría y el orden internacional: una revisión , Joseph Hodara

La búsqueda de la equidad , Héctor Assael

Pobreza y desigualdad: un desafío que perdura, Nora Lustig

Heterogeneidad estructural y empleo, Octavio Rodríguez

La apuesta educativa en América Latina, Ernesto Ottone

Las tareas de la pequeña y mediana empresa en América Latina, Alberto Berry

El futuro de los partidos políticos en la Argentina, Torcuato S. Di Tella

Cultura y desarrollo, Luciano Tomassini