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 LORD NICHOLLS  My Lords,      This appeal concerns the scope of the immunity of a former head
        of state from the criminal processes of this country. It is an appeal against a judgment
        of the Divisional Court of the Queen's Bench Division which quashed a provisional warrant
        issued at the request of the Spanish Government pursuant to section 8(b)(i) of the
        Extradition Act 1989 for the arrest of the respondent Senator Augusto Pinochet. The
        warrant charged five offences, but for present purposes I need refer to only two of them.
        The first offence charged was committing acts of torture contrary to section 134(1) of the
        Criminal Justice Act 1988. The Act defines the offence as follows:  
           "A public official or person acting in an official capacity, whatever his
            nationality, commits the offence of torture if in the United Kingdom or elsewhere he
            intentionally inflicts severe pain or suffering on another in the performance or purported
            performance of his official duties."  The third offence charged was hostage-taking contrary to section 1 of the Taking of
        Hostages Act 1982. Section 1 defines the offence in these terms:  
           "A person, whatever his nationality, who, in the United Kingdom or elsewhere,
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           (a) detains any other person ('the hostage'), and  
           (b) in order to compel a State, international governmental organisation or
            person to do or abstain from doing any act, threatens to kill, injure, or continue to
            detain the hostage,  commits an offence."  Both these offences are punishable with imprisonment for life. It is conceded that both
        offences are extradition crimes within the meaning of the Extradition Act.      The Divisional Court quashed the warrant on the ground that
        Senator Pinochet was head of the Chilean state at the time of the alleged offences and
        therefore, as a former sovereign, he is entitled to immunity from the criminal processes
        of the English courts. The court certified, as a point of law of general public
        importance, "the proper interpretation and scope of the immunity enjoyed by a former
        head of state from arrest and extradition proceedings in the United Kingdom in respect of
        acts committed while he was head of state", and granted leave to appeal to your
        Lordships' House. On this appeal I would admit the further evidence which has been
        produced, setting out the up-to-date position reached in the extradition proceedings.      There is some dispute over whether Senator Pinochet was
        technically head of state for the whole of the period in respect of which charges are
        laid. There is no certificate from the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, but the evidence
        shows he was the ruler of Chile from 11 September 1973, when a military junta of which he
        was the leader overthrew the previous government of President Allende, until 11 March 1990
        when he retired from the office of president. I am prepared to assume he was head of state
        throughout the period.      Sovereign immunity may have been a single doctrine at the time
        when the laws of nations did not distinguish between the personal sovereign and the state,
        but in modern English law it is necessary to distinguish three different principles, two
        of which have been codified in statutes and the third of which remains a doctrine of the
        common law. The first is state immunity, formerly known as sovereign immunity, now largely
        codified in part 1 of the State Immunity Act 1978. The second is the Anglo-American common
        law doctrine of act of state. The third is the personal immunity of the head of state, his
        family and servants, which is now codified in section 20 of the State Immunity Act 1978.
        Miss Montgomery Q.C., in her argument for Senator Pinochet, submitted that in addition to
        these three principles there is a residual state immunity which protects former state
        officials from prosecution for crimes committed in their official capacities.  State immunity      Section 1 of the State Immunity Act 1978 provides that "a
        State is immune from the jurisdiction of the courts of the United Kingdom", subject
        to exceptions set out in the following sections, of which the most important is section 3
        (proceedings relating to a commercial transaction). By section 14(1) references to a state
        include references to the sovereign or other head of that state in his public capacity,
        its government and any department of its government. Thus the immunity of the state may
        not be circumvented by suing the head of state, or indeed, any other government official,
        in his official capacity.      It should be noted that the words "in his public
        capacity" in section 14(1), read with section 1, refer to the capacity in which the
        head of state is sued, rather than the capacity in which he performed the act alleged to
        give rise to liability. Section 1 of the Act deals with proceedings which, at the time
        they are started, are in form or in substance proceedings against the state, so that
        directly or indirectly the state will be affected by the judgment. In the traditional
        language of international law, it is immunity ratione personae and not ratione
        materiae. It protects the state as an entity. It is not concerned with the nature of
        the transaction alleged to give rise to liability, although this becomes important when
        applying the exceptions in later sections. Nor is it concerned with whether, in an action
        against an official or former official which is not in substance an action against the
        state, he can claim immunity on the ground that in doing the acts alleged he was acting in
        a public capacity. Immunity on that ground depends upon the other principles to which I
        shall come. Similarly, part 1 of the Act does not apply to criminal proceedings (section
        16(4)). On this section 16(4) is unambiguous. Contrary to the contentions of Mr. Nicholls
        Q.C., section 16(4) cannot be read as applying only to the exceptions to section 1.      In cases which fall within section 1 but not within any of the
        exceptions, the immunity has been held by the Court of Appeal to be absolute and not
        subject to further exception on the ground that the conduct in question is contrary to
        international law: see Al-Adsani v. Government of Kuwait (1996) 107 I.L.R. 536,
        where the court upheld the government's plea of state immunity in proceedings where the
        plaintiff alleged torture by government officials. A similar conclusion was reached by the
        United States Supreme Court on the interpretation of the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act
        1976 in Argentine Republic v. Amerada Hess Shipping Corporation (1989) 109 S.Ct.
        683. This decision was followed by the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, perhaps
        with a shade of reluctance, in Siderman de Blake v. Republic of Argentina 965 F.2d
        699 (9th Cir. 1992), also a case based upon allegations of torture by government
        officials. These decisions are not relevant in the present case, which does not concern
        civil proceedings against the state. So I shall say no more about them.  Act of state: non-justiciability      The act of state doctrine is a common law principle of
        uncertain application which prevents the English court from examining the legality of
        certain acts performed in the exercise of sovereign authority within a foreign country or,
        occasionally, outside it. Nineteenth century dicta (for example, in Duke of Brunswick
        v. King of Hanover (1848) 2 H.L.Cas. 1 and Underhill v. Hernandez (1897) 169
        U.S. 456) suggested that it reflected a rule of international law. The modern view is that
        the principle is one of domestic law which reflects a recognition by the courts that
        certain questions of foreign affairs are not justiciable (Buttes Gas and Oil Co. v.
        Hammer [1982] A.C. 888) and, particularly in the United States, that judicial
        intervention in foreign relations may trespass upon the province of the other two branches
        of government (Banco Nacional de Cuba v. Sabbatino 376 U.S. 398).      The doctrine has sometimes been stated in sweepingly wide
        terms; for instance, in a celebrated passage by Chief Justice Fuller in Underhill v.
        Fernandez (1897) 169 U.S. 456:  
           "Every sovereign state is bound to respect the independence of every other
            sovereign state, and the courts of one country will not sit in judgment on the acts of the
            government of another done within its own territory."  More recently the courts in the United States have confined the scope of the doctrine
        to instances where the outcome of the case requires the court to decide the legality of
        the sovereign acts of foreign states: W. S. Kirkpatrick & Co. Inc. v. Environmental
        Tectonics Corporation, International (1990) 110 S.Ct. 701.      However, it is not necessary to discuss the doctrine in any
        depth, because there can be no doubt that it yields to a contrary intention shown by
        Parliament. Where Parliament has shown that a particular issue is to be justiciable in the
        English courts, there can be no place for the courts to apply this self-denying principle.
        The definition of torture in section 134(1) of the Criminal Justice Act 1988 makes clear
        that prosecution will require an investigation into the conduct of officials acting in an
        official capacity in foreign countries. It must follow that Parliament did not intend the
        act of state doctrine to apply in such cases. Similarly with the taking of hostages.
        Although section 1(1) of the Taking of Hostages Act 1982 does not define the offence as
        one which can be committed only by a public official, it is really inconceivable that
        Parliament should be taken to have intended that such officials should be outside the
        reach of this offence. The Taking of Hostages Act was enacted to implement the
        International Convention against the Taking of Hostages, and that convention described
        taking hostages as a manifestation of international terrorism. The convention was opened
        for signature in New York in December 1979, and its immediate historical background was a
        number of hostage-taking incidents in which states were involved or were suspected to have
        been involved. These include the hostage crisis at the United States embassy in Teheran
        earlier in that year, several hostage-takings following the hijacking of aircraft in the
        1970s, and the holding hostage of the passengers of an El-Al aircraft at Entebbe airport
        in June 1976.  Personal immunity      Section 20 of the State Immunity Act 1978 confers personal
        immunity upon a head of state, his family and servants by reference ("with necessary
        modifications") to the privileges and immunities enjoyed by the head of a diplomatic
        mission under the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations 1961, which was enacted as a
        schedule to the Diplomatic Privileges Act 1964. These immunities include, under article
        31, "immunity from the criminal jurisdiction of the receiving state."
        Accordingly there can be no doubt that if Senator Pinochet had still been head of the
        Chilean state, he would have been entitled to immunity.      Whether he continued to enjoy immunity after ceasing to be head
        of state turns upon the proper interpretation of article 39.2 of the convention:  
           "When the functions of a person enjoying privileges and immunities have come
            to an end, such privileges and immunities shall normally cease at the moment when he
            leaves the country, or on expiry of a reasonable period in which to do so, but shall
            subsist until that time, even in case of armed conflict. However, with respect to acts
            performed by such a person in the exercise of his functions as a member of the mission,
            immunity shall continue to subsist."  The "necessary modification" required by section 20 of the 1978 Act is to
        read "as a head of state" in place of "as a member of the mission" in
        the last sentence. Writ large, the effect of these provisions can be expressed thus:  
           "A former head of state shall continue to enjoy immunity from the criminal
            jurisdiction of the United Kingdom with respect to acts performed by him in the exercise
            of his functions as a head of state."       Transferring to a former head of state in this way the
        continuing protection afforded to a former head of a diplomatic mission is not an
        altogether neat exercise, as their functions are dissimilar. Their positions are not in
        all respects analogous. A head of mission operates on the international plane in a foreign
        state where he has been received; a head of state operates principally within his own
        country, at both national and international levels. This raises the question whether, in
        the case of a former head of state, the continuing immunity embraces acts performed in
        exercise of any of his "functions as a head of state" or is confined to
        such of those acts as have an international character. I prefer the former, wider
        interpretation. There is no reason for cutting down the ambit of the protection, so that
        it will embrace only some of the functions of a head of state. (I set out below the test
        for determining what are the functions of a head of state.)      The question which next arises is the crucial question in the
        present case. It is whether the acts of torture and hostage-taking charged against Senator
        Pinochet were done in the exercise of his functions as head of state. The Divisional Court
        decided they were because, according to the allegations in the Spanish warrant which
        founded the issue of the provisional warrant in this country, they were committed under
        colour of the authority of the government of Chile. Senator Pinochet was charged, not with
        personally torturing victims or causing their disappearance, but with using the power of
        the state of which he was the head to that end. Thus the Divisional Court held that, for
        the purposes of article 39.2, the functions of head of state included any acts done under
        purported public authority in Chile. The Lord Chief Justice said the underlying rationale
        of the immunity accorded by article 39.2 was "a rule of international comity
        restraining one sovereign state from sitting in judgment on the sovereign behaviour of
        another." It therefore applied to all sovereign conduct within Chile.      Your Lordships have had the advantage of much fuller argument
        and the citation of a wider range of authorities than the Divisional Court. I respectfully
        suggest that, in coming to this conclusion, the Lord Chief Justice elided the domestic law
        doctrine of act of state, which has often been stated in the broad terms he used, with the
        international law obligations of this country towards foreign heads of state, which
        section 20 of the 1978 Act was intended to codify. In my view, article 39.2 of the Vienna
        Convention, as modified and applied to former heads of state by section 20 of the 1978
        Act, is apt to confer immunity in respect of acts performed in the exercise of functions
        which international law recognises as functions of a head of state, irrespective of the
        terms of his domestic constitution. This formulation, and this test for determining what
        are the functions of a head of state for this purpose, are sound in principle and were not
        the subject of controversy before your Lordships. International law does not require the
        grant of any wider immunity. And it hardly needs saying that torture of his own subjects,
        or of aliens, would not be regarded by international law as a function of a head of state.
        All states disavow the use of torture as abhorrent, although from time to time some still
        resort to it. Similarly, the taking of hostages, as much as torture, has been outlawed by
        the international community as an offence. International law recognises, of course, that
        the functions of a head of state may include activities which are wrongful, even illegal,
        by the law of his own state or by the laws of other states. But international law has made
        plain that certain types of conduct, including torture and hostage-taking, are not
        acceptable conduct on the part of anyone. This applies as much to heads of state, or even
        more so, as it does to everyone else; the contrary conclusion would make a mockery of
        international law.      This was made clear long before 1973 and the events which took
        place in Chile then and thereafter. A few references will suffice. Under the charter of
        the Nurnberg International Military Tribunal (8 August 1945) crimes against humanity,
        committed before as well as during the second world war, were declared to be within the
        jurisdiction of the tribunal, and the official position of defendants, "whether as
        heads of state or responsible officials in government", was not to free them from
        responsibility (articles 6 and 7). The judgment of the tribunal included the following
        passage:  
           "The principle of international law which, under certain circumstance,
            protects the representatives of a state cannot be applied to acts condemned as criminal by
            international law. The authors of these acts cannot shelter themselves behind their
            official position to be freed from punishment."  
 With specific reference to the laws of war, but in the context the observation was
        equally applicable to crimes against humanity, the tribunal stated:  
           "He who violates the laws of war cannot obtain immunity while acting in
            pursuance of the authority of the state if the state in authorising action moves outside
            its competence under international law."  By a resolution passed unanimously on 11 December 1946, the United Nations general
        assembly affirmed the principles of international law recognised by the charter of the
        Nurnberg tribunal and the judgment of the tribunal. From this time on, no head of state
        could have been in any doubt about his potential personal liability if he participated in
        acts regarded by international law as crimes against humanity. In 1973 the United Nations
        put some of the necessary nuts and bolts into place, for bringing persons suspected of
        having committed such offences to trial in the courts of individual states. States were to
        assist each other in bringing such persons to trial, asylum was not to be granted to such
        persons, and states were not to take any legislative or other measures which might be
        prejudicial to the international obligations assumed by them in regard to the arrest,
        extradition and punishment of such persons. This was in resolution 3074 adopted on 3
        December 1973.  Residual immunity      Finally I turn to the residual immunity claimed for Senator
        Pinochet under customary international law. I have no doubt that a current head of state
        is immune from criminal process under customary international law. This is reflected in
        section 20 of the State Immunity Act 1978. There is no authority on whether customary
        international law grants such immunity to a former head of state or other state official
        on the ground that he was acting under colour of domestic authority. Given the largely
        territorial nature of criminal jurisdiction, it will be seldom that the point arises.      A broad principle of international law, according former public
        officials a degree of personal immunity against prosecution in other states, would be
        consistent with the rationale underlying section 20 of the 1978 Act. It would also be
        consistent with changes in the way countries are governed. In times past, before the
        development of the concept of the state as a separate entity, the sovereign was
        indistinguishable from the state: l'Etat, c'est moi. It would be expected therefore that
        in those times a former head of state would be accorded a special personal immunity in
        respect of acts done by him as head of state. Such acts were indistinguishable from acts
        of the state itself. Methods of state governance have changed since the days of Louis XIV.
        The conduct of affairs of state is often in the hands of government ministers, with the
        head of state having a largely ceremonial role. With this change in the identity of those
        who act for the state, it would be attractive for personal immunity to be available to all
        former public officials, including a former head of state, in respect of acts which are
        properly attributable to the state itself. One might expect international law to develop
        along these lines, although the personal immunity such a principle affords would be
        largely covered also by the act of state doctrine.      Even such a broad principle, however, would not assist Senator
        Pinochet. In the same way as acts of torture and hostage-taking stand outside the limited
        immunity afforded to a former head of state by section 20, because those acts cannot be
        regarded by international law as a function of a head of state, so for a similar reason
        Senator Pinochet cannot bring himself within any such broad principle applicable to state
        officials. Acts of torture and hostage-taking, outlawed as they are by international law,
        cannot be attributed to the state to the exclusion of personal liability. Torture is
        defined in the torture convention (the Convention against torture and other cruel, inhuman
        or degrading treatment or punishment (1984)) and in the United Kingdom legislation
        (section 134 of the Criminal Justice Act 1984) as a crime committed by public officials
        and persons acting in a public capacity. As already noted, the Convention against the
        taking of hostages (1979) described hostage-taking as a manifestation of international
        terrorism. It is not consistent with the existence of these crimes that former officials,
        however senior, should be immune from prosecution outside their own jurisdictions. The two
        international conventions made clear that these crimes were to be punishable by courts of
        individual states. The torture convention, in articles 5 and 7, expressly provided that
        states are permitted to establish jurisdiction where the victim is one of their nationals,
        and that states are obliged to prosecute or extradite alleged offenders. The
        hostage-taking convention is to the same effect, in articles 5 and 8.      I would allow this appeal. It cannot be stated too plainly that
        the acts of torture and hostage-taking with which Senator Pinochet is charged are offences
        under United Kingdom statute law. This country has taken extra-territorial jurisdiction
        for these crimes. The sole question before your Lordships is whether, by reason of his
        status as a former head of state, Senator Pinochet is immune from the criminal processes
        of this country, of which extradition forms a part. Arguments about the effect on this
        country's diplomatic relations with Chile if extradition were allowed to proceed, or with
        Spain if refused, are not matters for the court. These are, par excellence,
        political matters for consideration by the Secretary of State in the exercise of his
        discretion under section 12 of the Extradition Act.  
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